Ashforth discussed potentially destructive sides of "leadership and identified what he referred to as "petty tyrants: leaders who exercise a tyrannical style of management, resulting in a climate of fear in the workplace. Partial or intermittent "negative reinforcement can create an effective climate of fear and "doubt. When employees get the sense that bullies are tolerated, a climate of fear may be the result. Several studies have confirmed a relationship between bullying, on one hand, and an autocratic leadership and an authoritarian way of settling "conflicts or dealing with disagreements, on the other. An "authoritarian style of leadership may create a climate of fear, with little or no room for dialogue and where complaining being considered futile.
In a study of public-sector union members, approximately one in five workers reported having considered "leaving the workplace as a result of witnessing bullying taking place. Rayner explained the figures by pointing to the presence of a climate of fear in which employees considered reporting to be unsafe, where bullies had been tolerated previously despite management knowing of the presence of bullying.
Individual differences in sensitivity to "reward, "punishment and motivaton have been studied under the premises of "reinforcement sensitivity theory and have also been "applied to workplace performance.
A culture of fear at the workplace runs contrary to the "key principles" established by "W. Edwards Deming for managers to transform business effectiveness. One of his "fourteen principles is to drive out fear in order to allow everyone to work effectively for the company.
Nazi leader "Hermann Göring explains how people can be made fearful and to support a war they otherwise would oppose:
The people don't want "war, but they can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. This is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked, and "denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and for exposing the country to danger. It works the same in every country.
In her book "State and Opposition in Military Brazil," Maria Helena Moreira Alves found a "culture of fear" was implemented as part of "political repression since 1964. She used the term to describe methods implemented by the "national security apparatus of Brazil in its effort to equate political participation with risk of "arrest and "torture.
Cassação (English: cassation) is one such mechanism used to punish members of the military by legally declaring them dead. This enhanced the potential for political control through intensifying the culture of fear as a deterrent to opposition.
Alves found the changes of the National Security Law of 1969, as beginning the use of ""economic exploitation, physical "repression, political control, and strict "censorship" to establish a "culture of fear" in Brazil. The three psychological components of the culture of fear included silence through censorship, sense of isolation, and a "generalized belief that all channels of opposition were closed." A "feeling of complete "hopelessness," prevailed, in addition to "withdrawal from opposition activity."
Former US National Security Advisor "Zbigniew Brzezinski argues that the use of the term "War on Terror was intended to generate a culture of fear deliberately because it "obscures reason, intensifies emotions and makes it easier for "demagogic politicians to mobilize the public on behalf of the policies they want to pursue".
"Frank Furedi, a former professor of Sociology and writer for "Spiked magazine, says that today's culture of fear did not begin with the collapse of the "World Trade Center. Long before September 11, he argues, public "panics were widespread – on everything from "GM crops to mobile phones, from "global warming to "foot-and-mouth disease. Like Durodié, Furedi argues that perceptions of risk, ideas about safety and controversies over health, the environment and technology have little to do with science or "empirical evidence. Rather, they are shaped by cultural assumptions about human "vulnerability. Furedi say that "we need a grown-up discussion about our post-September 11 world, based on a reasoned evaluation of all the available evidence rather than on "irrational fears for the future.
British academics Gabe Mythen and Sandra Walklate argue that following terrorist attacks in New York, the Pentagon, Madrid, and London, government agencies developed a discourse of "new terrorism" in a cultural climate of "fear and uncertainty. UK researchers argued that this processes reduced notion of "public safety and created the "simplistic image of a non-white "terroristic other" that has negative consequences for ethnic minority groups in the UK.
In his 2004 BBC documentary film series, "The Power of Nightmares, subtitled The Rise of the Politics of Fear, the journalist "Adam Curtis argues that politicians have used our fears to increase their power and control over society. Though he does not use the term "culture of fear", what Curtis describes in his film is a reflection of this concept. He looks at the American "neo-conservative movement and its depiction of the "threat first from the "Soviet Union and then from radical "Islamists. Curtis insists there has been a largely illusory fear of terrorism in the west since the "September 11 attacks and that politicians such as "George W Bush and "Tony Blair had stumbled on a new force to restore their power and authority; using the fear of an organised "web of evil" from which they could protect their people. Curtis's film castigated the media, security forces and the "Bush administration for expanding their power in this way. The film features "Bill Durodié, then Director of the International Centre for Security Analysis, and Senior "Research Fellow in the International Policy Institute, "King's College London, saying that to call this network an "invention" would be too strong a term, but he asserts that it probably does not exist and is largely a "("projection) of our own worst fears, and that what we see is a fantasy that's been created."
In a recent book, "Maximiliano Korstanje dangled the possibility the war on terror opens the doors for the upsurge of an old culture of fear, which though dormitant in American life, results from the "Puritan cosmology. Far from being an external threat, Korstanje adds, terrorism represents a social phenomenon enrooted in the capacity of "extortion and "speculation, which nothing have to do with religion. This suggests that the main cultural values that determined terrorism are being created and disseminated through West. In this vein, Geoffrey Skoll argues that fear is used by elite in order to maintain its legitimacy over workforce, though it varied from time to time into different shapes. The meaning of fear not only is changing the tenets of democracy that characterized the life in America, as well as law-making, but also the ways judges understand the rights of workers. In this respect, the Australian social scientist Luke Howie discusses the negative effects of terrorism on daily life. Far from what popular parlance precludes, terrorism does not look the total obliteration of a society, but instilling panic in order for their claims to be heard. At some extent, these tactics did not flourish in cultures which are insensitive to fear.
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The "war on terror" has created a culture of fear in America ...