|This article is part of a series on the
"politics and government of
There are five recognised candidates for future "membership of the "European Union: "Turkey (applied in 14 April 1987), "Macedonia (applied in 22 March 2004), "Montenegro (applied in 2008), "Albania (applied in 2009) and "Serbia (applied in 2009). All except Albania and Macedonia have started accession negotiations. "Kosovo, whose independence is "not recognised by five EU member states, and "Bosnia and Herzegovina are recognised as potential candidates for membership by the EU. "Bosnia and Herzegovina has formally submitted an application for membership, while Kosovo has a "Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU, which generally precedes the lodging of membership application. In July 2014, "Jean-Claude Juncker announced that the EU has no plans to expand before 2019 while Serbia and Montenegro, the most advanced candidates, are expected to join before 2025. While the others are progressing, Turkish talks are at an effective standstill.
The accession criteria are included in the "Copenhagen criteria, agreed in 1993, and the "Treaty of Maastricht (Article 49). Article 49 of the Maastricht Treaty (as amended) says that any "European state" that respects the "principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law", may apply to join the EU. Whether a country is European or not is subject to "political assessment by the EU institutions.
The three major "western European countries that are not EU members, "Iceland, "Norway and "Switzerland, have all submitted membership applications in the past, but subsequently froze them. They do however, along with "Liechtenstein, participate in the "EU Single Market as well as the "Schengen Area, which makes them closely aligned with the EU. According to an "Eastern Partnership strategy, the EU is unlikely to invite any more of its "post-Soviet neighbours to join the bloc before 2020. However, in 2014 the EU signed "Association Agreements with "Georgia, "Moldova, and "Ukraine, and the "European Parliament passed a resolution recognising the "European perspective" of all three countries.
The present enlargement agenda of the European Union regards "Turkey and the "Western Balkan states of "Albania, "Bosnia and Herzegovina, "Kosovo, "Macedonia, "Montenegro and "Serbia. These states must negotiate the terms of their EU accession with the current member states, and align their domestic legislation with "EU law before joining.
Turkey has a long-standing application with the EU, but their negotiations are expected to take until at least 2023. This is due to the political issues surrounding the accession of the country. As for the Western Balkan states, the EU had pledged to include them after their "civil wars: in fact, two states have entered, four are candidates and the others have pre-accession agreements.
There are, however, other states in Europe which either seek membership or could potentially apply if their present foreign policy changes, or the EU gives a signal that they might now be included on the enlargement agenda. However, these are not formally part of the current agenda, which is already delayed due to bilateral disputes in the Balkans and difficulty in fully implementing the "acquis communautaire (the accepted body of EU law).
In 2005, the "European Commission suggested in a strategy paper that the present enlargement agenda could potentially block the possibility of a future accession of "Armenia, "Azerbaijan, "Belarus, "Georgia, "Moldova, and "Ukraine. "Olli Rehn has said on occasion that the EU should "avoid overstretching our capacity, and instead consolidate our enlargement agenda," adding, "this is already a challenging agenda for our accession process."
It was previously the norm for enlargements to see multiple entrants join the Union at once. The only previous enlargements of a single state were the 1981 admission of Greece and the 2013 admission of Croatia.
However, the EU members have warned that, following the significant impact of the fifth enlargement in 2004, a more individual approach will be adopted in the future, although the entry of pairs or small groups of countries will most probably coincide.
The 2003 European Council summit in "Thessaloniki set integration of the Western "Balkans as a priority of EU expansion. This commitment was made in order to stabilise the region in the wake of the "Yugoslav Wars, a series of civil wars through the 1990s that led to the breakup of "Yugoslavia.
"Albania, "Serbia, "Macedonia and "Montenegro are all candidate states, with Serbia and Montenegro in negotiations. "Bosnia and Herzegovina has applied to join but is not yet recognised as a candidate while "Kosovo, which declared independence in 2008, is "not recognised by all EU states, or Serbia. Serbia and Montenegro are expected to join before 2025.
Corruption, organised crime, politicisation of the judiciary.
Constitution needs significant reform, little agreement about the future of the state.
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Still has serious problems with corruption, political and economic progress is moderate, concerns about Montenegro joining before Serbia.
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Ongoing dispute over Kosovo, no recent progress in fighting corruption.
Turkey's candidacy to join the EU has been a matter of major significance and considerable controversy since it was granted in 1999. Turkey has had historically close ties with the EU, having an "association agreement since 1964, being in a "customs union with the EU since 1995 and initially applying to join in 1987. Only after a summit in Brussels on 17 December 2004 (following the major "2004 enlargement), the European Council announced that membership negotiations with Turkey were officially opened on 3 October 2005.
Turkey is the "thirteenth largest economy in the world, it has the "second largest military force of NATO and is a key "regional power. According to "Carl Bildt, "Swedish foreign minister, "[The accession of Turkey] would give the EU a decisive role for stability in the Eastern part of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, which is clearly in the strategic interest of Europe."
However others, such as former "French President "Nicolas Sarkozy and "German Chancellor "Angela Merkel, maintain an opposition to Turkey's membership. Opponents argue that Turkey does not respect the key principles that are expected in a "liberal democracy, such as the "freedom of expression. Turkey's large population would also alter the balance of power in the representative European institutions. Upon joining the EU, Turkey's 70 million inhabitants would bestow it the second largest number of "MEPs in the "European Parliament. Demographic projections indicate that Turkey would surpass Germany in the number of seats by 2020. Turkey also does not recognise one EU state, "Cyprus, over the "Cyprus dispute and the Cypriot government blocks some chapters of Turkey's talks in retaliation.
Turkey's relations with the EU have seriously deteriorated in the aftermath of the "2016 Turkish coup d'état attempt and subsequent "purges. On 24 November 2016 the "European Parliament approved a non-binding resolution calling for the "temporary freeze of the ongoing accession negotiations with Turkey" over human rights and rule of law concerns, On 13 December, the "European Council (comprising the heads of state or government of the member states) resolved that it would open no new areas in Turkey's membership talks in the "prevailing circumstances", as Turkey’s path toward autocratic rule made progress on EU accession impossible. As of 2017, and especially following Erdoğan's victory in the "constitutional referendum, Turkish accession talks are effectively at a standstill.
|"||"Turkey||Negotiating||1964-12-01 ("AA)||1987-04-14||1999-12-12||2005-10-03||2006-10-13||1/16 of 33|
|"Recognised candidate countries||"Potential candidate countries||"Reference member states|
|"EU Association Agreement[Note 2] negotiations start||1959AA
|5 Apr 2000||10 Oct 2005[Note 3]||10 Oct 2005[Note 4]||31 Jan 2003||25 Nov 2005||28 Oct 2013||1990||1990||1990||24 Nov 2000|
|EU Association Agreement signature||12 Sep 1963AA
|9 Apr 2001||15 Oct 2007||29 Apr 2008||12 Jun 2006||16 Jun 2008||27 Oct 2015||2 May 1992||4 Oct 1993||8 Mar 1993||29 Oct 2001|
|EU Association Agreement entry into force||1 Dec 1964AA
31 Dec 1995CU
|1 Apr 2004||1 May 2010||1 Sep 2013||1 Apr 2009||1 Jun 2015||1 Apr 2016||1 Jan 1994||1 Feb 1995||1 Feb 1995||1 Feb 2005|
|Membership application submitted||14 Apr 1987||22 Mar 2004||15 Dec 2008||22 Dec 2009||28 Apr 2009||15 Feb 2016||(tbd)||18 Mar 1992||17 Jan 1996||14 Dec 1995||21 Feb 2003|
|"Council asks "Commission for opinion||27 Apr 1987||17 May 2004||23 Apr 2009||25 Oct 2010||16 Nov 2009||20 Sep 2016||(tbd)||6 Apr 1992||29 Jun 1996||29 Jan 1996||14 Apr 2003|
|Commission presents legislative questionnaire to applicant||1 Oct 2004||22 Jul 2009||24 Nov 2010||16 Dec 2009||9 Dec 2016||(tbd)||Mar 1996||Apr 1996||10 Jul 2003|
|Applicant responds to questionnaire||10 May 2005||12 Apr 2010||22 Apr 2011||11 Jun 2010||28 Feb 2018||(tbd)||Jun 1997||25 Apr 1997||9 Oct 2003|
|Commission prepares its opinion (and subsequent reports)||1989, 1997-2004||2005-09||9 Nov 2010||12 Oct 2011||2010-2013||(tbd)||(tbd)||4 Nov 1992||15 Jul 1997||1997-99||20 Apr 2004|
|Commission recommends granting of candidate status||13 Oct 1999||9 Nov 2005||9 Nov 2010||12 Oct 2011||16 Oct 2013||(tbd)||(tbd)||4 Nov 1992||15 Jul 1997||15 Jul 1997||20 Apr 2004|
|Council grants candidate status to Applicant||12 Dec 1999||17 Dec 2005||17 Dec 2010||1 Mar 2012||27 Jun 2014||(tbd)||(tbd)||21 Dec 1992||12 Dec 1997||12 Dec 1997||18 Jun 2004|
|Commission recommends starting of negotiations||6 Oct 2004||14 Oct 2009||12 Oct 2011||22 Apr 2013||9 Nov 2016||(tbd)||(tbd)||4 Nov 1992||15 Jul 1997||13 Oct 1999||6 Oct 2004|
|Council sets negotiations start date||17 Dec 2004||(tbd)||26 Jun 2012||17 Dec 2013||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||21 Dec 1992||12 Dec 1997||10 Dec 1999||2004, 2005|
|Membership negotiations start||3 Oct 2005||(tbd)||29 Jun 2012||21 Jan 2014||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||1 Feb 1993||31 Mar 1998||15 Feb 2000||3 Oct 2005|
|Membership negotiations end||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||1994||13 Dec 2002||17 Dec 2004||30 Jun 2011|
|Accession Treaty signature||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||24 Jun 1994||16 Apr 2003||25 Apr 2005||9 Dec 2011|
|EU joining date||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||(tbd)||1 Jan 1995||1 May 2004||1 Jan 2007||1 Jul 2013|
|1. Free Movement of Goods||f||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|2. Freedom of Movement for Workers||f||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|3. Right of Establishment & Freedom to provide Services||f||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|4. Free Movement of Capital||o||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|5. Public Procurement||fs||–||o||o||–||x||x||x||x|
|6. Company Law||o||–||o||o||–||x||x||x||x|
|7. Intellectual Property Law||o||–||o||o||–||x||x||x||x|
|8. Competition Policy||fs||–||fs||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|9. Financial Services||f||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|10. Information Society & Media||o||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|11. Agriculture & Rural Development||f||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|12. Food safety, Veterinary & Phytosanitary Policy||o||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|14. Transport Policy||f||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|17. Economic & Monetary Policy||o||–||fs||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|19. Social Policy & Employment||fs[Note 5]||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|20. Enterprise & Industrial Policy||o||–||o||o||–||x||x||x||x|
|21. Trans-European Networks||o||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|22. Regional Policy & Coordination of Structural Instruments||o||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|23. Judiciary & Fundamental Rights||f||–||o||o||–||x||x||x||x|
|24. Justice, Freedom & Security||f||–||o||o||–||x||x||x||x|
|25. Science & Research||x||–||x||x||–||x||x||x||x|
|26. Education & Culture||f||–||x||x||–||x||x||x||x|
|28. Consumer & Health Protection||o||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|29. Customs Union||f||–||o||o||–||x||x||x||x|
|30. External Relations||f||–||x||o||–||x||x||x||x|
|31. Foreign, Security & Defence Policy||f||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|32. Financial Control||o||–||o||o||–||x||x||x||x|
|33. Financial & Budgetary Provisions||o||–||o||fs||–||x||x||x||x|
|35. Other Issues||–||–||–||o||–||x||x||x||x|
(bracketed date): approximate and most probable nearest possible date
|Situation of policy area at the start of membership negotiations (Turkey, reference states), at candidate status recommendation (Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia) or membership application opinion (Albania); according to the 1992 Opinion, 1997 Opinions, 1999 Reports, 2005 Reports, 2010 Opinion, 2010 Reports and 2011 Reports.|
s – screening of the chapter
generally already applies the acquis
no major difficulties expected
further efforts needed
non-acquis chapter - nothing to adopt
considerable efforts needed
very hard to adopt
situation totally incompatible with EU acquis
The "Maastricht Treaty (Article 49) states that any European country (as defined by a "European Council assessment) that is committed to "democracy may apply for membership in the European Union. In addition to European states, other countries have also been speculated or proposed as future members of the EU.
States in western Europe who have chosen, for various reasons, not to become full members of the EU have integrated with it to different extents according to their circumstances. Iceland, Norway and Liechtenstein participate directly in the single market via the "European Economic Area, "Switzerland does so via bilateral treaties and the other "European microstates have specific agreements with the EU and neighbouring countries, including their use of the "euro as their currency. Most of these countries are also part of the "Schengen Area. While this integration is designed as a substitute for full membership, there are ongoing debates in a number of these countries as to whether they should join as full members. Three (Norway, Iceland and Switzerland) have all previously had live applications to join the EU which have been rejected or otherwise frozen. Such applications could be resubmitted in the event of a change in the political landscape.
Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine ratified an Association Agreement with the EU and the "European Parliament passed a resolution in 2014 stating that "in accordance with Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, as well as any other European country, have a European perspective and can apply for EU membership in compliance with the principles of democracy, respect for fundamental freedoms and human rights, minority rights and ensuring the rule of rights."  They also entered the "Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area with the EU, that creates "framework for modernising [...] trade relations and for economic development by the opening of markets via the progressive removal of customs tariffs and quotas, and by an extensive harmonisation of laws, norms and regulations in various trade-related sectors, creating the conditions for aligning key sectors" of their economies with EU standards.
|""||Main article:||"Georgia–European Union relations|
|Relationship:||"Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, pursuing membership.|
|Main Obstacles:||Dispute regarding "South Ossetia and "Abkhazia and with Russia.|
|Proponents:||"Mikheil Saakashvili, "Giorgi Baramidze, "Irakli Garibashvili, "Georgian Dream, "Movement for Liberty - European Georgia, the "European Parliament|
|Public Opinion:||77% in favour, 11% against (2014 poll).|
|""||Main article:||"Iceland–European Union relations|
|Relationship:||Member of the "European Economic Area and "Schengen Area, frozen membership application|
|Main Obstacles:||"Common Fisheries Policy "and others|
|Proponents:||"Social Democratic Alliance|
|Opponents:||"Independence Party, "Left-Green Movement, "Progressive Party|
|Public Opinion:||54% against, 25.9% in favour (2017 poll).|
|""||Main article:||"Moldova–European Union relations|
|Relationship:||"Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, pursuing membership Many Moldovans have, or can easily obtain, Romanian (and hence EU) citizenship.|
|Main Obstacles:||"Transnistria dispute, Russian political influence.|
|Proponents:||"Iurie Leanca, "Liberal Democratic Party of Moldova, "European People's Party of Moldova, "Liberal Party (Moldova), "Democratic Party of Moldova, European Parliament|
|Opponents:||"Igor Dodon, "Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova, "Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova, Russia Government|
|Public Opinion:||40% in favour (2015 poll).|
|""||Main article:||"Norway–European Union relations|
|Relationship:||Member of the "European Economic Area and "Schengen Area, withdrawn membership application|
|Main Obstacles:||"Common Fisheries Policy|
|Proponents:||"Conservative Party (Norway), "Labour Party (Norway)|
|Opponents:||"Progress Party (Norway), "Centre Party (Norway)|
|Public Opinion:||16% in favour, 66% against (2016 poll).|
|""||Main article:||"San Marino–European Union relations ("Microstates and the European Union)|
|Relationship:||Bilateral treaties, open border, customs union and euro adoption|
|Main Obstacles:||Small size|
|Proponents:||"United Left, "Union for the Republic,Civic10, "Party of Socialists and Democrats, "Socialist Party and For San Marino|
|Opponents:||"Sammarinese Christian Democratic Party|
|Public Opinion:||A "referendum in 2013 on applying for EU membership resulted in 50.3% approving, but it failed due to insufficient turnout.|
|""||Main article:||"Switzerland–European Union relations|
|Relationship:||Bilateral treaties allowing participation in the "European Single Market, member of the "Schengen Area, withdrawn membership application|
|Main Obstacles:||Swiss public opinion and direct democracy.|
|Proponents:||"Green Party, "Social Democratic Party|
|Opponents:||"Swiss People's Party, "FDP.The Liberals, "Campaign for an Independent and Neutral Switzerland|
|Public Opinion:||A "Swiss referendum on re-starting EU membership negotiations in 2001 was defeated by 76.8%.|
|""||Main article:||"European Union–Ukraine relations|
|Relationship:||"Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, pursuing membership|
|Main Obstacles:||"Ukraine crisis|
|Proponents:||"Viktor Yushchenko,, "Petro Poroshenko "Petro Poroshenko Bloc "Solidarity", "People's Front (Ukraine), European Parliament|
|Opponents:||"Opposition Bloc, "Right Sector.|
|Public Opinion:||66.4% in favour, 33.6% against (2015 poll).|
Internal enlargement is the process of new member states arising from the break-up of or secession from an existing member state.  There have been and are a number of "active separatist movements within member states (for example in "Catalonia and "Flanders) but there are no clear agreements, treaties or precedents covering the scenario of an existing EU member state breaking into two or more states, both of which wish to remain EU member states. The question is whether one state is a successor and one a new applicant or, alternatively, both are new states which must be admitted to the EU.
In some cases, a region desires to leave its state and the EU, namely those regions wishing to "join Switzerland. But most, namely the two movements who have had referendums within the 2010s, Scotland and Catalonia, see their future as independent states within the EU. This results in great interest on whether, once independent, they would retain EU membership or conversely whether they would have to re-apply. In the later case, since new members must be approved unanimously, any other state which has an interest in blocking their membership to deter similar independence movements could do so. Additionally, it is unclear whether the successor state would retain any "opt-outs that the parent state was entitled to.
The "Scottish Independence Referendum of 2014 was the first occasion the EU was faced with the potential breakup of a member state, and one where the region declaring independence wished to retain its EU membership. While no longer an issue in light of "the UK's withdrawal from the EU the debates in the referendum campaign may inform future scenarios.
On 1 October 2017, the "Catalan government held a "referendum on independence, which had been declared illegal by Spanish government, with potential polling stations being cordoned off by riot police. The subsequent events constituted a political crisis for Catalonia. The EU's position is to keep distance from the crisis while supporting Spain's territorial integrity and constitution. While the debate around Scotland's referendum may inform the Catalan crisis, Catalonia is in a distinct situation from Scotland whereby the central government does not recognise the legitimacy of any independence declaration from Catalonia. If Spain does not recognise the independence of a Catalan state, both Catalonia cannot separately join the EU and it is still recognised as part of Spain's EU membership.
There is an active movement towards Flemish independence, or union with the Netherlands, with the future status of "Wallonia and "Brussels (the "de facto capital of the EU) unclear as viable political states, perhaps producing a unique situation from Scotland and Catalonia. There are various proposals for what should happen to the city, ranging from staying part of the Belgian rump state, to joining the hypothetical Flemish state, to becoming a separate political entity.
The "European Council has recognized that if the "UK withdraws from the EU as expected, then were "Northern Ireland to be incorporated into the "Republic of Ireland to form a "United Ireland it would automatically rejoin the EU under Ireland's membership. This is consistent with the incorporation of "East Germany into the "Federal Republic of Germany as a single EU member state. A similar scenario has been envisioned with the "unification of Romania and Moldova, which would incorporate the current territory of Moldova into Romania and thus into the EU.
Officially, the "island nation "Cyprus is part of the European Union, under the "de jure sovereignty of the "Republic of Cyprus. "Turkish Cypriots are citizens of the Republic of Cyprus and thus of the European Union, and were entitled to vote in the 2004 "European Parliament election (though only a few hundred registered). The EU's "acquis communautaire is suspended indefinitely in the northern third of the island, which has remained outside the control of the Republic of Cyprus since the "Turkish invasion of 1974. The "Greek Cypriot community rejected the "Annan Plan for the settlement of the "Cyprus dispute in a "referendum on 24 April 2004. Had the referendum been in favour of the settlement proposal, the island (excluding the British "Sovereign Base Areas) would have joined the European Union as the United Cyprus Republic. The European Union's relations with the Turkish Cypriot Community are handled by the "European Commission's "Directorate-General for Enlargement.
There are multiple "Special member state territories, some of them are not fully covered by the EU treaties and apply EU law only partially, if at all. It is possible for a dependency to change its status regarding the EU or some particular treaty or law provision. The territory may change its status from participation to leaving or from being outside to joining.
The only country with the status of "British Overseas Territory that is part of the EU is "Gibraltar, which joined the EEC together with the United Kingdom in 1973. The other overseas territories are defined as "Overseas Countries and Territories of the EU. All of them are associated with the EU (meaning they apply some parts of EU law) and their nationals are in principle EU citizens.
Special terms were negotiated for the "Channel Islands and the "Isle of Man on the UK’s accession to the "European Economic Community. These are contained in Protocol 3 to the Treaty of Accession 1973. The effect of the protocol is that the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man are within the Common Customs Area and the Common External Tariff (i.e. they enjoy access to European Union countries of physical exports without tariff barriers). Other Community rules do not apply to the Islands.
The UK "Sovereign Base Areas, "Akrotiri and Dhekelia on Cyprus did not join the European Union when the United Kingdom joined. "Cyprus' Accession Treaty specifically stated that this would not change with the accession of Cyprus to the European Union. However, currently, some provisions of the "EU Law are applicable there—mainly "border management, "food safety and free movement of people and goods.
The "Faroe Islands, a self-governing nation within the "Kingdom of Denmark, are not part of the EU, as explicitly asserted by both Rome treaties. The relations with the EU are governed by a Fisheries Agreement (1977) and a "Free Trade Agreement (1991, revised 1998). The main reason for remaining outside the EU is disagreements about the "Common Fisheries Policy, which disfavours countries with large fish resources. Also, every member has to pay for the "Common Agricultural Policy, which favours countries having much agriculture which the Faroe Islands does not. When Iceland was in membership negotiations around 2010, there was a hope of better conditions for fish-rich countries, but this came to nothing. The Common Fisheries Policy was introduced in 1970 for the very reason of getting access for the first EC members into waters of candidate countries, UK, Ireland and Denmark with the Faroe Islands.
Nevertheless, there are politicians, mainly in the right-wing "Union Party (Sambandsflokkurin), led by their chairman "Kaj Leo Johannesen, who would like to see the Faroes as a member of the EU. However, the chairman of the left-wing "Republic (Tjóðveldi), "Høgni Hoydal, has expressed concerns that if the Faroes were to join the EU as is, they might vanish inside the EU, comparing this with the situation of the "Shetland Islands and "Åland today, and wants the local government to solve the political situation between the Faroes and Denmark first.
"Greenland, a self-governing community that is part of the "Kingdom of Denmark, entered the EC with Denmark in 1973, because it had no local independence at that time. After the establishment of Greenland's "home rule in 1979 (effective from 1980), it held a second referendum on membership. The result was (mainly because of the Common Fisheries Policy) to leave, so on 1 February 1985, "Greenland left the "EEC and "EURATOM. Its status was changed to that of an Overseas Country. Danish nationals residing in Greenland (i.e. all native population) are nonetheless fully European citizens; they are not, however, entitled to vote in European elections.
There has been some speculation as to whether Greenland may consider rejoining the European Union. On 4 January 2007 the Danish daily "Jyllands-Posten quoted the former Danish "minister for Greenland, "Tom Høyem, as saying "I would not be surprised if Greenland again becomes a member of the EU... The EU needs the "Arctic window and Greenland cannot alone manage the gigantic Arctic possibilities". Greenland has a lot of natural resources, and Greenland has, especially during the "2000s commodities boom, contracted private companies to exploit some of them, but the cost is considered too high, as Greenland is remote and severely lacks infrastructure. After 2013 prices have declined so such efforts have stalled.
The Brexit debate has reignited talk about the EU in Greenland, and there have been calls for the island to rejoin the Union.
The islands of "Aruba, "Curaçao, and "Sint Maarten are constituent countries of the "Kingdom of the Netherlands, while "Bonaire, "Sint Eustatius and "Saba are "special Dutch municipalities. All are "Overseas Countries and Territories (OCT) under Annex II of the EC treaty. OCTs are considered to be "associated" with the EU and apply some portions of EU law. The islands are opting to become an "Outermost Region (OMR) of the EU, the same status the "Azores, "Madeira, the "Canary Islands and the "French overseas departments have.
When Bonaire, Sint Eustatius and Saba were established as Dutch public bodies after the "dissolution of the Netherlands Antilles (which was an OCT) in 2010, their status within the EU were raised. Rather than change their status from an OCT to an outermost region, as their change in status within the Netherlands would imply, it was decided that their status would remain the same for at least five years. After those five years, their status would be reviewed.
If it was decided that one or all of the islands wish to integrate more with the EU then the "Treaty of Lisbon provides for that following a unanimous decision from the "European Council. Former "European Commissioner for Enlargement "Danuta Hübner has said before the "European Parliament that she doesn't expect many problems to occur with such a status change, as the population of the islands is only a few thousand people.
The territories of "French Guiana, "Guadeloupe, "Martinique, "Mayotte and "Réunion are "overseas departments of France and at the same time mono-departmental overseas regions. According to the EC treaty (article 299 2), all of these departments are "outermost regions (OMR) of the EU—hence provisions of the EC treaty apply there while derogations are allowed. The status of the "Overseas collectivity of "Saint-Martin is also defined as OMR by the "Treaty of Lisbon. New Caledonia and the overseas collectivities of French Polynesia, Saint-Barthelemy, Saint Pierre et Miquelon and Wallis and Futuna are "Overseas Countries and Territories of the EU.
"New Caledonia is an "overseas territory of France with its own unique status under the French Constitution, which is distinct from that of overseas departments and collectivities. It is defined as an "overseas country" under the 1998 "Nouméa Accord, and enjoys a high degree of self-government. Currently, in regard to the EU, it is one of the Overseas Countries and Territories (OCT).
As a result of the "Nouméa Accord, New Caledonians will vote on an "independence referendum scheduled for November 2018. This referendum will determine whether the territory remains a part of the French Republic as a "sui generis collectivity", or whether it will become an independent state. The accords also specify a gradual devolution of powers to the local New Caledonian assembly.
pursuant to Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine – like any other European state - have a European perspective and may apply to become members of the Union provided that they adhere to the principles of democracy, respect fundamental freedoms and human and minority rights and ensure the rule of law;
Spain, which fears the separation of the Catalonia region, has blocked the accession of Kosovo ... "Jose Manuel Barroso, the "president of the European Commission ... went on: 'It will be extremely difficult to get the approval of all the other member states to have a new member coming from one member state.' 'We have seen that Spain has been opposing even the recognition of Kosovo, for instance. It’s to some extent a similar case because it’s a new country, and so I believe it’s going to be extremely difficult, if not impossible.'
'They have to resolve a mountain of problems, as "Better Together has explained very well,' he said.'You have to achieve candidate status. You have to negotiate 35 chapters . It has to be ratified by the institutions of the EU. It then has to be ratified by 28 national parliaments.'
Part I: Executive summary ... 6.1 Since the rUK would be the same state as the UK, its EU membership would continue. Indeed, the EU treaties implicitly preclude ‘automatic’ withdrawal by a state. There might have to be an adjustment to the UK’s terms of membership to reflect its reduction in territory and population, but this could be done without the UK ceasing to be an EU Member State.
Part I: Executive summary ...6. Within the EU, there is no precedent for what happens when a metropolitan part of a current Member State becomes independent, so it is necessary to speculate. ... 6.2 On the face of it, if Scotland had voted for independence it would have been required to accede to the EU as a new state, which would require negotiations on the terms of its membership, including on the subjects of the UK’s current opt-outs. The EU treaties make no provision for succession to membership. Certain provisions of the EU treaties would require amendment. If Scotland were somehow to become an EU member in its own right automatically, it is not clear how adjustments to the relative positions of Member States could be willed into being without negotiations. Nor would it be clear on what terms it would be a member. 6.3 Some have argued that the rights conferred on individuals by EU citizenship might influence the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to somehow resist this outcome. But this is a matter for speculation and does not have a clear precedent in EU law. It would also require the issue to somehow come before the ECJ, which may be unlikely. 7. In any event, Scotland’s position within the EU is likely to be shaped more by any agreements between the parties than by pre-existing principles of EU law.
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