The geographical distribution into communities is permeated by pan-Chacoan social organization of people into bands.
According to Braunstein (1983), among the Chaco groups several bands constitute a ‘tribe’, identified by a common name and associated by marriage and exchange. He states that tribes have been preferably endogamous, with uxirolocal postmarital residence. Among the Pilagá, tribes have identified with names of regional animals and these traditional denominations persist in present times.
As many anthropologists have noted, the Chaco groups, including the Pilagá, have been hunter-gatherers. Hunting includes fishing and collection of honey. Hunting is exclusively the domain of men, while gathering of wild fruits, palm hearts, mesquite (prosopis sp.) and firewood is done regularly by women. The major animals hunted are species of deers and armadillos. Among the fish specimens are surubí (Pseudoplatysoma coruscans), pacú (colossoma mitrei) and dorado (salminus maxillosus).
With the advancement of European contact since the conquest, and with the establishment at different times of colonies, farms and missions, Chaco groups, including the Pilagá, began losing their territories. They became confined to smaller portions of lands, and as a consequence, they discontinued their hunter-gathering activities. Today, with sedentarization, Pilagá people combine traditional practices with land-cultivation and cattle-raising at a small scale, and the commerce of basketery, tapestry and wooden artifacts.
Pilagá belongs to the grouping of Guaykuruan (also spelled ‘Waikuruan’ or ‘Guaicuruan’) languages spoken in the Gran Chaco of South America. The word Chaco, of Quichua origin, means ‘territory of hunting’ (Cordeu and Siffredi 1971:5). The Gran Chaco covers an area of about 1 million square kilometers, of which 50% is on Argentinean land, and the other half distributed between Paraguay, Bolivia and Brazil (Karlin et alt. 1994). Out of the six languages that have been claimed to belong to this family, only four i.e., Kadiwéu (or Caduveo), Mocoví, Pilagá and Toba are currently spoken. The other two, Abipón and Mbayá became extinct more than a century ago.
Pilagá enjoys a good level of vitality, being the first language children acquire before starting school. However, Formosa’s Ministry of Education has not developed key bilingual educational programs or curriculum for the Pilagá. Moreover, only a few schools (six of a total of sixteen) have Pilagá-speaking aides working together with certified teachers as translators. However, the program is rather ineffective for lack of scope or sequence for Pilagá instruction and few didactic materials.
Even though Pilagá use in daily communication between adults connotes solidarity, younger speakers use code-switching apparently to fill gaps in their knowledge of the vernacular language. Those areas where Pilagá language and traditions are best preserved are the rural communities. However, the lack of native-language schooling to Pilagá children makes the future of the language bleak.
The inventory includes obstruents and sonorants, totalizing eighteen consonant phonemes, and four vowels. In 1996 the Pilagá designed the orthographic system currently used.
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